Avoiding or Exiting the Sex Industry
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Reasons for Entering and Remaining in the Sex Industry
5.2.1 Entering the Sex Industry
5.2.2 Expected Length of Stay in the Sex Industry
5.2.3 Taking ‘Breaks’ from the Industry
5.2.4 Remaining in the Sex Industry
5.3 Impact of the PRA on Exiting
5.4 Exiting the Sex Industry
5.4.1 Sex Workers Who Do Not Wish to Exit
5.4.2 Sex Workers Who Want to Exit
5.4.3 Reasons for Wishing to Exit
5.4.4 Barriers to Exiting
5.5.1 Holistic Approach
5.5.2 Dealing with Changes of Mind
5.5.3 Facilitating Free Choice
5.5.4 Dedicated Services and ‘Brokerage’
5.5.5 Building Trusting Relationships
5.5.6 Adequate Resourcing
5.5.7 Public Education
5.5.8 Outreach
5.5.9 Location of Services
5.6 Support for Those Who Wish to Exit Currently Available
5.1 Introduction
One of the tasks the PRA sets for the Committee is to ‘assess the nature and adequacy of the means available to assist persons to avoid or cease working as sex workers’. To that end, the Committee commissioned a literature review of models of best practice of exiting the industry here and overseas.[13] This research was conducted by the CJRC. The Committee also commissioned research from the CSOM which, amongst other things, examined the practical reality of exiting the sex industry in New Zealand.[14] The Committee has relied on the findings of this research to inform this chapter.
Four issues came through very strongly. First, the most common reason for entering the industry is financial. The most effective way to ensure people do not enter the sex industry is to help them find other ways of earning money. Second, exiting the industry is difficult, and often involves several attempts. Third, by no means all sex workers want to exit, and some sex workers find it offensive that they should be being offered assistance to leave a job where they are quite happy. Finally, there are as many reasons for exiting as there are reasons for entering the sex industry, and a ‘one size fits all’ approach to ‘exiting interventions’ or ‘support and assistance in exiting’ will not be appropriate.
The Committee concludes that amendment to the PRA is not required, nor feasible, regarding avoiding entry and assisting with exiting. Rather, support targeted at individual sex workers who want to exit the industry needs to be made available from both NGOs and government agencies, and an appropriate level of ongoing, secure government funding is required.
5.2 Reasons for Entering and Remaining in the Sex Industry
Internationally, there has been a great deal of research on why some people decide to enter and remain in the sex industry[15]. There is a particularly large amount of literature on reasons for entering the industry. Such research is relevant to both avoiding and exiting the industry, as some of the reasons for entering the sex industry persist as reasons for not exiting.
5.2.1 Entering the Sex Industry
Most researchers accept that a combination of ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors are at play when entering sex work. Push factors – particularly for young street workers – can include abuse and neglect, a breakdown in care-giving, school exclusion, homelessness, and lack of money. Pull factors can include excitement, encouragement from others involved in sex work, and a way of seeking affection. Freedom to work one’s own hours to accommodate childcare or study responsibilities is another pull, particularly for brothel or small owner-operator brothel (SOOB) workers.
Of most importance, though, seems to be that sex work can offer more money than is available from ‘straight’ jobs. For young sex workers in particular, money allows immediate gratification, which other waged work cannot provide. For others, too, the economic motive is strong. In a study of sex workers in Australia, most had entered the sex industry to support families, pursue higher education, pay off debts and buy cars, houses and/or other large expensive items (Perkins, 1991).
The CSOM research bore out the information gained from the international literature. The approximately 770 sex workers surveyed were asked to indicate the main reasons they entered the sex industry. The percentages of sex workers in each sector who indicated that each of the factors listed below was one of the main reasons for entry are presented in Table 12.
Table 12 Reasons for Entry into Sex Work in Each Sector
Total
%
Street
Workers
%
Managed
Indoor
%
Private
Indoor
%
Pay household expenses (N=749)
73.3
76.4
76.3
67.1
Pay for social life / going out / luxuries (N=738)
61.5
68.3
61.4
58.4
Saving up (N=734)
58.8
35.7
63.0
62.0
Pay for education (N=731)
24.1
16.6
27.0
22.7
Support children / family (N=729)
38.1
35.4
44.1
29.1
Made to work by someone (N=728)
3.9
8.1
2.7
3.8
Exploring sexuality (N=725)
22.5
31.8
17.8
26.1
Unable to get benefit/parental support (N=725)
14.3
28.6
11.1
12.8
No other income (N=733)
30.6
49.0
26.3
29.1
Friend was doing it (N=732)
31.7
54.1
30.2
23.8
Minding a friend and was asked to join (N=724)
10.0
21.5
6.7
10.2
Thought it looked exciting/glamorous (N=725)
26.0
39.1
25.5
20.7
Sex workers looked fun to be with (N=718)
22.8
43.8
20.0
17.5
Curiosity (N=732)
49.7
53.3
49.4
48.5
Support gambling use (N=726)
5.3
9.4
4.5
4.9
Support for alcohol or other drug use (N=728)
21.4
52.3
14.3
18.8
Money (N=756)
92.8
93.3
92.5
93.1
Because it’s not against the law (N=695)
26.8
30.1
28.1
23.3
While a quarter of the CSOM survey participants said that one of the reasons they entered the industry was because it was not against the law, this did not follow through to the qualitative interviews the CSOM conducted. Few participants in these interviews described choosing to enter the sex industry because of decriminalisation. Those who had entered the industry after 2003 did describe how they were aware that sex work was decriminalised and that they had rights, but the legislation was not cited as a major reason for entering the industry.
… I’ve worked illegally, you know, in other jobs. You know, I’ve worked under the table and that sort of thing. So, you know, I guess, I guess I would say I probably would have done it (sex work) anyway. But um you know, I certainly felt that because it was legal, it did, it did (.) yeah, I felt more safer about it, yeah.
(Jenny, Managed, Female, Wellington, CSOM, 2007)
There were significant differences in motivations for entry into sex work between female, male, and transgender workers. Female sex workers in the survey reported entering the sex industry predominantly for financial reasons. They were more likely than both male and transgender workers to report that they wanted to save up for something or support children or families, but less likely to report not having any other source of income at the start of sex work. Male participants, however, were more likely than both transgender and female participants to report that they were unable to get a benefit or parental support and were also more likely to report using the money to support their drug or alcohol use. There was no mention in any of the qualitative interviews of coercion into the sex industry. While some sex workers had some association with gangs, none reported being forced into the sex industry by them (CSOM, 2007).
Comment
The fact that few of the sex workers who were interviewed by CSOM indicated that decriminalisation of the sex industry in and of itself was the reason for entering the industry supports the conclusion drawn in chapter two: that the enactment of the PRA has not led to an increase in the number of sex workers operating in New Zealand.
The low number of sex workers who indicated that they were made to enter by someone else is reassuring, and even more so is the absence of evidence of coercion in the qualitative interviews. The Committee hopes that this will assist in clarifying the misconception that there are significant numbers of sex workers in New Zealand who are in the industry against their will.
The fact that financial considerations are such an important driver for entry into the sex industry indicates that the best ‘means of avoiding working as a sex worker’ is to ensure that there are other ways of earning money available to those considering entry. This means ensuring that education and vocational training are available for all. This is an objective that central government pursues for the good of the entire population, and there is no need for it to target potential entrants to the sex industry when doing so.
The government should focus its attention on those under 18 who are considering entering the sex industry. This is discussed in chapter seven.
5.2.2 Expected Length of Stay in the Sex Industry
CSOM survey participants were asked how long they expected to stay in the sex industry. There were significant differences between new entrants and participants who had been in the industry for longer than a year. Those who had been in the industry for less than a year were significantly less likely than long-term workers to report that they would be in the industry for longer than five years. Almost a third of participants were unsure of how long they would be working in the industry, with longer-term participants more likely than short-term participants to indicate that they did not know how much longer they would be working.
Most of the participants in the qualitative interviews also expressed some uncertainty about their expected length of stay in the industry. Younger participants who worked in the managed sector tended to describe working to a plan, such as working to save to go overseas. These plans varied in length.
I think 25 (years old) about max…in about 5 years…cause it will be good to get heaps of savings and then by the time I’m 25 be able to put it for a house or something…Really, cause I’ve just been partying. That was like last year and now and now it’s like it’s been a year, I think I don’t want to do this forever.
(Caroline, Managed, Female, Christchurch, CSOM, 2007)
Table 13 Expected Length of Stay in the Sex Industry by Years of Working in the Industry.
Years of Working in Sex Industry
Total
(N=759)
%
<1 year
(N=76)
%
>1 year
(N=683)
%
Expected length of stay in sex industry:
<1 year
20.9
48.4
17.8
1 – 2 years
21.7
15.2
22.5
3 – 5 years
12.7
13.1
12.6
>5 years
15.0
2.4
16.4
Don’t know
29.7
20.9
30.7
Total
100.0
100.0
100.0
Few street-based workers discussed how long they would remain in the sex industry. Street-based workers who did, described leaving when they could ‘turn their life around’, such as when they could get on a drug rehabilitation programme.
So then [on entering a drug rehabilitation programme] I will be quitting, because I’m just at that point where I need to turn my life around, and I know I can do it, because I’m just, you know, I’ve had enough and I want to do it. I want to make changes. I can’t do that if I’m still working, you know.
(Joan, Street, Female, Christchurch, CSOM, 2007)
Older, more experienced participants also discussed uncertainty about expected length of stay in the industry. Many discussed getting older and not wanting to ‘be in the industry forever,’ however, few had specific ideas about how long they intended to stay in the industry.
5.2.3 Taking ‘Breaks’ from the Industry
Half of the participants in the CSOM survey indicated that they had taken a break from the industry at least once since the start of sex work (see Table14). Breaks differed in length from a few weeks to more than two years, though 58% of breaks were for more than 6 months. Private workers were more likely to report having had a break than street-based or managed workers.
Table 14 Breaks from Sex Work in Each Sector
Stopped Working at Least Once Since Start of Sex Work
%
Street Workers (N=201)
45.4
Managed Workers (N=368)
48.1
Private Workers (N=189)
59.3
Total (N=758)
51.4
The most frequent reason survey participants gave for taking a break was because of a new relationship, where participants either did not want the partner to know that they worked in the sex industry, or where their partner did not want them to work in the sex industry any longer. Another common reason was because of children, either because of pregnancy or because of wanting to take time off to raise children. Street-based workers were especially likely to give this reason, with around a quarter of street-based workers who had had a break reporting this. The other most often cited reasons were because they wanted, or had received, employment in a straight job or because of holiday or travel, especially for private and managed workers, but less so for street-based workers.
In the qualitative interviews, participants discussed burn-out and simply being tired of the job as reasons for taking a break.
Um I stopped working because I just, I reached that time when, “Agh, I don’t want to do this any more. I’d rather clean. And I’ll generate the extra by cleaning and I’ll do some studying.” And I felt it probably had a bit of a conflict of interest with what I, where I was working as well at the time. Um I’m a social worker, and you know, I was a sex worker and I was doing another job as well working with um single parents, and I felt, “Yeah, I’m not doing this. It’s probably not really, you know, that sort of moral or ethical that I’m doing this. So okay, no sex work.”
(Pat, Managed, Female, Christchurch, CSOM, 2007)
By far the most commonly reported reason for returning to the industry after a break was financial need. Sixty-seven percent of all survey participants who had been on a break returned because they needed the money. Half of the survey participants reported that the money was the thing they missed most when not working. However, one-fifth reported the loss of camaraderie or the company of their fellow workers as a key factor. The in-depth interview data supported these findings.
Like we had the best of everything. Money just never, we didn’t think about money, and for the last 7 months that’s all I’ve been thinking about is that money. It’s like I haven’t had that money at all. And then like when it comes really hard and when we have arguments and fight with me and my partner, well the guy that was now my partner, I’m like off to the [inaudible] off to the road to work.
(Sally, Street, Female, Christchurch, CSOM, 2007)
Many described taking time out of sex work due to being in committed relationships or when they were pregnant and had children. Participants who had child care commitments also described re-entering sex work for time out from home and the importance of their workplace friendships.
The reason why I keep coming back, oh 6 months is, yeah, just giving me the 6 months with my children and things like that. But the reason why I’ve come back is because at home it’s just me and my two children, and being up here, you’re around other females that are in the industry. You know what they’re going through, they know what you’re going through. You know, it’s just like a big family up here, and I love being around adults. Don’t get me wrong, I love kids too, but I love being around adults as well.
(Hilda, Managed, Female, Napier, CSOM, 2007)
5.2.4 Remaining in the Sex Industry
Many of the factors that draw sex workers into the industry persist as factors for remaining in it, and indeed explain why it can be difficult to exit. The ‘rewards’ pose the impediments to exiting.
International evidence shows that the money on offer is a compelling incentive to remain working (and the biggest draw for those who exit for some reason, but then return). Certainly, sex work can be well paid: a 2003 study of 216 sex workers in Queensland aged 18 or older showed an average weekly income of A$1,500 a week when the average weekly earnings in Queensland was approximately A$900 (pre tax)[16]. This may largely explain why job satisfaction is higher than is popularly believed. In the Queensland study, two-thirds of brothel and sole workers said they would choose sex work again and felt the future held good prospects for them. Only a third of street workers held these views.
The economic advantages of sex work also emerged from a study of 130 female sex workers in London. They were followed up for 15 years to look at career and health patterns both among those still in sex work and those who had exited at some stage (Ward and Day, 2006). Many women had remained in the sex industry for long periods even when other choices presented themselves, such as those associated with completing vocational training or higher education. Women also combined other jobs with sex work, or completed education and training in other fields while working in the sex industry.
While there are no current comparable figures for New Zealand, the CSOM research shows that financial motives are the key reason for remaining in the sex industry across all of its sectors. Over 90% of all sex workers surveyed cited money as a reason for staying in the industry.
Table 15 Reasons for Staying in the Sex Industry in Each Sector
**Total
****%**
**Street
Workers
****%**
**Managed
Indoor
****%**
**Private
Indoor
****%**
Pay household expenses (N=743)
82.3
90.0
83.9
76.3
Pay for social life / going out / luxuries (N=730)
67.0
72.4
65.3
67.4
Saving up (N=730)
68.4
44.0
72.3
72.9
Pay for education (N=720)
25.2
13.4
29.4
23.6
Support children / family (N=724)
40.4
40.6
46.7
29.6
Made to work by someone (N=715)
1.4
4.6
0.8
0.9
Enjoy the sex (N=701)
39.0
50.8
34.8
40.1
Unable to get benefit/parental support (N=715)
10.8
16.4
12.4
5.4
No other income (N=726)
25.8
33.7
26.9
20.5
All my friends do it (N=715)
14.5
43.3
10.5
7.6
It’s exciting and glamorous (N=713)
22.7
39.3
19.7
19.9
Sex workers are friendly/fun to be with n(N=705)
42.2
49.3
48.9
27.3
Support gambling use (N=717)
3.9
11.3
1.4
4.5
Support for alcohol or other drug use (N=722)
16.7
45.1
10.7
13.5
Money (N=756)
92.7
98.3
91.9
91.5
Flexible working hours (N=739)
83.3
87.4
81.3
84.6
Because it’s my job (N=719)
51.3
69.6
46.1
51.4
Don’t want to do anything else (N=705)
23.5
29.7
21.5
23.8
Don’t know what else to do (N=711)
17.6
30.1
16.4
13.5
Can’t get help to leave (N=710)
6.6
17.8
5.4
3.2
Don’t know how to leave (N=710)
10.4
24.4
8.4
7.0
Money is by far the most important motivator for remaining in the sex industry; however, it is not the only one. More than 40% of street-based workers also reported that all their friends were in the industry and nearly half of all managed and street-based workers indicated that sex workers were friendly and fun to be with. As a job option, sex work was also valued by more than 80% of the participants because of its flexible working hours. A quarter of all survey participants did not want to do any other work. Over a third of all survey participants (39%) reported that they remained in sex work because they enjoyed the sex and street-based workers were the most likely sector to report this. Street-based workers were more likely than managed or private workers to report that they did not know what else to do, that they could not get help to leave and they did not know how to leave.
Comment
While there are many reasons for entering, remaining in, and returning to the sex industry, the over-arching theme seems to be financial need. Apart from the street-work sector, the need to support alcohol or other drug addictions is a relatively small driver. For some sex workers, working in the sex industry also fulfils a social need, with street workers in particular reporting that they gain a sense of community in the sex industry that would otherwise be lacking in their lives.
While successful exit strategies will have to be tailored to individual sex workers who want to leave the industry, it is apparent that they will need to offer a realistic economic alternative to sex work. Education and/or vocational training offer the opportunity for eventual economic reward, but those offering support to those wishing to exit the industry will need to accept that sex workers may continue to work within the industry while gaining such training.
5.3 Impact of the PRA on Exiting
The enactment of the PRA dramatically increased public awareness of the sex industry in New Zealand. While negative attitudes and the stigma attached to working in the industry were challenged by decriminalisation, some sections of the community still strongly disapprove of involvement in the industry. The higher profile of the sex industry has led some sex workers to fear more for their anonymity, although many sex workers interviewed by researchers indicated that they feel safer because of the enactment of the PRA.
While the PRA expressly takes a neutral stance on the sex industry (decriminalising it while not endorsing or morally sanctioning it), it implicitly promotes exiting the industry. As part of its review, the Committee was required by the PRA to consider means available to assist sex workers to exit the industry.
Section 18 provides that a person’s benefit under the Social Security Act 1964 cannot be cancelled or affected in any way by his or her refusal to engage in sex work. This allayed fears that were voiced at the time the PRA was being debated that the unemployed could be forced into sex work because to refuse it would render them ineligible for a benefit.
Section 18 also deals with entitlements under the Injury Prevention, Rehabilitation, and Compensation Act 2001 (e.g. ACC payments). These entitlements can be affected if an individual refuses to accept work which they are capable of doing. However, these conditions have been altered to exempt sex workers. Entitlements for a sex worker capable of returning to sex work, but who decides not to do so, are not affected. This ensures financial support while other employment options are explored.
Finding employment outside the sex industry is clearly an issue when considering exiting. One factor that potential employers will take into account is a criminal record, and so by repealing prostitution-related offences from the criminal code, the PRA has removed one possible barrier to exiting. Sex workers and brothel operators are no longer at risk of getting a criminal record as a result of working in the industry.
Prior to decriminalisation, Police had kept a record of those working in the industry. This information could come up when individuals applied for jobs that required Police screening (e.g. security, banking or roles involving contact with children). Following the passing of the PRA, it was agreed that the Police registration system was inappropriate. Where possible, the information the Police had collected was placed into New Zealand Archives, and has been authorised to be destroyed.[17] This was viewed positively by many of the key informants interviewed by the CJRC. However, there was still uncertainty among informants over the status of this information, and whether sex workers applying for jobs that required Police screening could be guaranteed past information would not come up.
Comment
The enactment of the PRA has clearly removed some of the potential barriers to exiting the sex industry simply by removing the possibility that those in the industry will acquire criminal convictions for that involvement. However, the Committee is concerned about the industry’s lack of awareness of the exemptions provided by section 18 of the PRA, and recommends that this information be included in the educative processes outlined in chapters six and ten.
5.4 Exiting the Sex Industry
5.4.1 Sex Workers Who Do Not Wish to Exit
Not all sex workers want to leave the industry. As indicated by Table 15, only 17.6% of sex workers surveyed remain in the industry because they don’t know what else to do. While there is a common perception that sex workers are in the industry through desperation or lack of choice, most are not, and some may be offended by being offered assistance to leave. The CJRC key informant study found that some sex workers who worked in SOOBs, for example, did not feel that any assistance with exiting was necessary and some reminded the researchers that it was a career choice they were very content with.
It’s a choice and it pays well.
(SOOB, CJRC, 2007)
I don’t have a problem. I can come and go as I please. I’ve got qualifications, BSc, MA. I’ve developed good skills from being a sex worker too – empathy, good phone manners. I think anyone can get out if they want to. But I’d rather do two clients a day, earn $200 and be able to watch TV for the rest of the day.
(SOOB, CJRC, 2007)
In the same study, NZPC commented that it was potentially offensive to be discussing with sex workers how they should be assisted to exit.
It is offensive to talk about exiting – it’s a right to be able to be a sex worker. We don’t need rescuing. For some it is just three to five years for an average career – a means to a goal. Get the money for the degree and then move on.
(NZPC, CJRC, 2007)
The reasons some people do not wish to exit revolve around the benefits they gain from working in the industry. The CSOM study found very few participants who reported they had not benefited in some way from working in the sex industry (see Table 16). The main benefits indicated by the survey participants were the fact that they had survived, made new friends and made more money through working in the sex industry. In terms of long-term financial security, managed or private workers were significantly more likely than street-based workers to report that they had managed to save, had achieved a better lifestyle, had more assets, had more money, had been able to travel and had paid debts. For street-based workers, survival was a key benefit of working in the industry and 96.9% of street-based participants reported this. Many participants from all sectors enjoyed the contact that they had with most clients, as well as the people skills they developed through working in the industry.
Table 16 Perceived Benefits of Sex Work by Sector
**Total
****%**
**Street
Workers
****%**
**Managed
Indoor
****%**
**Private
Indoor
****%**
I’ve been able to save for house, car, etc (N=748)
59.1
30.2
63.1
65.7
I’ve made new friends (N=761)
86.1
85.6
89.9
80.0
I’ve become more assertive/confident (N=749)
77.7
81.0
77.2
77.3
I’ve got more skills (N=743)
64.7
74.4
60.1
67.9
I’ve had a better lifestyle (N=731)
73.4
57.0
74.9
78.3
I’ve got more assets (N=741)
65.8
51.1
65.1
73.7
I’ve got more money (N=752)
86.1
72.6
89.9
85.9
I’ve been able to travel/go on holidays (N=748)
60.9
50.9
58.2
69.7
I’ve repaid a student loan (N=738)
15.5
6.3
18.9
14.1
I’ve finished degree/course/other study (N=733)
15.2
8.4
15.6
17.8
I’ve developed people skills (N=748)
70.2
78.5
66.3
72.8
I’ve enjoyed contact with most clients (N=737)
69.9
71.5
67.0
73.9
I’ve enjoyed sex with most clients (N=727)
42.4
48.3
34.8
52.3
I’ve been able to pay my debts (N=755)
78.7
67.7
82.6
77.4
I’ve survived (N=746)
87.9
96.9
87.4
84.8
Been able to provide for children/family (N=738)
51.4
49.9
56.7
43.0
There have been no benefits (N=709)
5.9
9.1
5.2
5.5
In the qualitative interviews for the CSOM study, participants all discussed benefits they experienced from working in the sex industry. These benefits included having flexibility and freedom in their workplace, learning new workplace skills, meeting a variety of people and experiencing a sense of belonging.
Love it, I love it. I love meeting the people, I love doing what I do, I love like, you know, to me it’s, oh some girls it may be just for money. With me it’s not, it’s money, yes, but I work for myself, which I love. Money, independence, um (.) meeting a variety of people. Like for me, like I have from young to quite old, so I have a variety of people. And working, like working part-time in a parlour, I get to meet other girls.
(Liz, Private and Managed, Female, Auckland, CSOM, 2007)
Comment
The Committee recognises that the decision to become and remain a sex worker is a legitimate one. Those who do not wish to exit should have that decision respected.
5.4.2 Sex Workers Who Want to Exit
The CJRC exiting report found that there is little evidence in New Zealand as to how many sex workers would like to leave. The CJRC key informant report found that here was some sensitivity to questions about exiting, and focused its questions regarding exiting on ways to assist those who wish to do so. The CSOM report looked at reasons for entering and staying in the industry, as these may remain effective as barriers to exiting. However, it did not quantify the number of survey respondants who wished to leave.
The CJRC exiting report refers to Saphira and Herbert’s 2004 study of 47 sex workers that showed that two-thirds of sex workers had tried to exit, and a quarter had done so. However, the study was limited to those who had entered the sex industry before the age of 18, and its usefulness as a measure of the industry as a whole is limited accordingly.
The CJRC exiting report discusses two studies from Australia. One is from a survey of 64 sex workers (few of them street workers) by the Crime and Misconduct Commission in its review of the Queensland Prostitution Act 1999. Although many respondents were not sure of their future plans (40%), 15% indicated that they only planned to work in the industry a ‘short while’ and 9% said they would like to leave the industry now. Just over half indicated that they would like an opportunity to retrain for another career. On the other hand, just over a third said that they intended to stay in the industry. Another larger study of Queensland sex workers found that half the street workers said they would like to leave the industry, and 40% of brothel or sole workers wanted to (Woodward et al., 2004, cited in CJRC, 2007a).
Comment
While accurate numbers are unavailable, all the research indicates that there are some sex workers who would like to exit the industry, and others who do not envisage working as a sex worker for a long period of time.
5.4.3 Reasons for Wishing to Exit
The issue of why people want to exit the sex industry, and how they go about it, has been very much less well-researched than why people enter and remain in the industry. Ex-sex workers do not readily offer themselves for study, and the research commissioned by the Committee was limited to those still in the industry.
Participants in the CSOM research described some of the negative aspects of working in the sex industry. These included continuing stigma and harassment from the general public to street-based workers, safety issues for all sex workers, the health consequences of shift work and inequitable work environments experienced by some in the managed sector. Some participants also discussed the temptations of activities on the fringes of the sex industry such as drugs and alcohol.
Um I really don’t think that there’s anything a law change would bring about to reduce the stigma and the attitudes that people in general have about the industry, um because most attitudes and opinions about us hookers is based on ignorance, bigotry, intolerance, and jealousy. And until those things change, there really isn’t a whole lot more. I mean you can’t really pass an amendment to the act to say that they’re not allowed to treat us (?) any more – they have to say ‘hello’ – you can’t, you know, that’s um that’s not going to happen. But beyond that, no. I think it’s good that we are finally um able to do what we’ve got to do, whether we’ve got to do it for however long we have to do it, without the fear of being caught, arrested and being plastered around as guilty. For well, you know, at the end of the day all we’re trying to do is get by like everybody else. It’s just a job.
(Marge, Managed, Female, Auckland, CSOM, 2007)
The CJRC report found, with regard to exiting, that ‘all the research paints much the same picture…It highlights sex workers frequently taking breaks because they are “sick of the clients”, have “had enough” or their partner wanted them to give up.’
The CJRC report also noted that some researchers have found that exiting is often unplanned. In New Zealand, Saphira and Herbert (2004) found that exiting from sex work activity was not systematically planned but related to a variety of fortuitous events. Williamson and Folaron’s (2003) study of 21 women who had exited from street work at some stage found it to be the result of ‘daily hassles, acute traumas, and chronic conditions’.
The typology of Sanders (2007) (see table 17 below) regarding ‘pathways to exit’, found some differences as regards street workers and indoor workers, and also usefully summarises some common reasons for exiting.[18]
Table 17 Pathways to Exiting (Sanders, 2007)
Street Workers
Indoor Workers
Reactionary
A result of violence, ill health, or significant life events, such as having a child or imprisonment.
A result of a new relationship, violence, or being ‘outed’.
Reactionary exits can often not be well thought out, without plans of action set in place.
Gradual planning
The intention to enter a drug treatment programme perhaps, or find new housing. They were often supported by specialist services.
Planning for a timed transition with alternative career and financial planning, a ‘retirement’ plan, and working less.
Natural progression
The desire for a new lifestyle – for instance, drug free and less chaotic.
Becoming older; feeling the career has gone on too long; or disillusionment.
‘Yo-yoing’
Failed drug treatment and support packages led to re-entry.
Having been fined, meant having to earn the money to pay.
Unplanned exit – perhaps wanting a career break, or less strain. Coming back because ‘ordinary’ jobs did not pay enough.
Comment
The variety of reasons for exiting, and the fact that the decision to exit can be unplanned, make devising support strategies for those wishing to exit complex. If government agencies or NGOs are going to assist with exiting the sex industry, they will need to be responsive to the needs of individual sex workers. They will also need to be able to accept that exiting, but later returning to the industry, or ‘yo-yoing’ is common, and must be accepted with patience by those trying to help.
5.4.4 Barriers to Exiting
The CJRC report found that there is general consensus that it is difficult to exit. Many studies point to the difficulties of exiting by documenting the frequency of trying to leave. For instance, the evaluation of 11 multi-agency projects across the UK for street sex workers found that just over two-thirds had attempted to leave on one or more occasion (Hester and Westmarland, 2004). A study in Victoria (Canada) of 201 sex workers showed that seven in ten had exited the sex trade at least once, and more than half exited three or more times. Those who had not done sex work for at least two years had attempted to leave on average five to six times before making the break (Benoit and Millar, 2001).
The CSOM research found that money was the factor that was cited by most survey and in-depth interview participants as making it difficult to leave the industry. Access to readily available money was something that 68% of survey participants reported would make staying away from the industry a challenge. They also cited the flexible working hours as something that made the sex industry difficult to leave. They discussed ways of making it easier to leave, which included the availability of good, well-paid jobs, with a higher minimum wage and equal opportunities. Thirty-four percent of participants reported that this would make leaving the sex industry easier with a further 17% citing the need for financial security or a win in the lottery.
There are other considerations too. The CJRC report found that, while those involved in prostitution are far from homogeneous, many have complex needs and have long-term disengagement from services. Sex work can have become an entrenched lifestyle. Low self-esteem and feelings of social exclusion are not uncommon (Hester and Westmarland, 2004). Many, too, have lost the social support networks outside the industry that would ease transition into other sectors of society.
Indeed, some gain social support withinsex work. The CJRC key informants interviews found that collegiality is something some sex workers might strongly miss. Jordan (1991) also showed the high level of camaraderie sex workers in New Zealand have.
Exiting can be difficult, too, as sex workers may be reluctant to approach services that they feel will judge and stigmatise them if they disclose their involvement in sex work.
Transgender sex workers discussed the difficulties they faced finding employment other than sex work, some refusing to go on a benefit.
Oh I wish I could have. If I could find a really good job, I would leave in a second, that wouldn’t, like I said, discriminate me for what I am and be acceptive of like I am an employee, I’m not a trans-gendered person who they have to keep looking at funny. Yeah, I’m there to do the work. I will do the work and respect what’s been given to me or been told to me. But don’t just keep looking at me as like, “Oh she’s a trans-gender,” you know…I’ve been in so many jobs and you just hear it, you know. Um (.) and it’s just like I’m there just to work, you know, pay my bills and leave. I’m not there to basically put what I am on show or display for everybody, so yeah.
(Terri, Street, Transgender, Christchurch, CSOM, 2007)
As identified in chapter eight, the Committee considers that street-based sex workers should be encouraged to either exit the industry, or stop working on the streets by moving to another sector of the industry. However, the research indicates that there are barriers to movement between sectors.
The CSOM study found that the majority of street-based workers and managed workers in the survey had not moved sectors during the course of their time in the sex industry, with 78.8% of street-based workers starting work on the streets and 92.3% of managed workers starting in the managed sector (see Table 18). Half of surveyed private workers had, however, begun their work in the sex industry in the managed sector.
Table 18 Sector of Original Employment by Sector of Current Employment in the Sex Industry
Started Work
Street Sector
%
Managed Sector
%
Private Sector
%
Working now:
Street Workers (N=203)
78.8
18.4
2.8
Managed Workers (N=376)
3.9
92.3
3.8
Private Workers (N=180)
11.5
49.3
39.2
The reasons for the lack of movement out of the street sector include both pull and push factors. Street workers describe enjoying the freedom, flexibility and camaraderie of the street, and the fact that they can keep all the money they make. While they acknowledge that it may be dangerous, they claim to be ‘streetwise’ and to have other workers ‘watching their back’ so as to minimise danger. When considering leaving the street for brothel-based work, street workers do not like the idea of having a boss, turning over fees to him or her, having to keep certain hours and rules of employment, and having less choice over which clients they take.
Comment
The three most common barriers to exit are worries about financial insecurity, reluctance to lose the flexible working hours available in the sex industry, and the camaraderie and sense of belonging that some sex workers describe. If these factors are relevant to a particular sex worker, a successful exit strategy will involve paid employment with flexible working hours and a good support network.
Although there are many reasons for wanting to leave the industry, making a ‘one size fits all’ approach to offering support inappropriate, there are some barriers that will apply to all. One such is the stigma that still attaches to working in the sex industry, despite decriminalisation. This makes finding alternative employment and entering new social circles difficult for some. Others find that, while they have learnt useful work skills in the sex industry, the fact that they entered the industry when they were young means that they have learned no other specialist vocational skills. The important thing for those offering support to those considering leaving the sex industry is to identify the particular barriers facing the individual sex worker, and offer means of overcoming them.
5.5 Best Practice for Exiting
The Committee commissioned CJRC to research models of best practice for leaving the sex industry.
Table 19 summarises the main best practice principles the CJRC report identified with regards to exiting strategies. The best practice principles cover basic principles of delivery (such as accepting that there will be stops and starts, and that outreach should be adopted), as well as the nature and content of what is delivered (e.g. holistic interventions).
Table 19 Summary of Best Practice Principles for Exiting Interventions
Summary of Best Practice Principles for Exiting Interventions
Holistic interventions
A range of different service providers need to be engaged.
Dealing with changes of mind
Interventions need to be patient and accept that sex workers trying to exit may take small, incremental steps.
Facilitating free choice
Sex workers need choices, but have to make their own decisions.
Dedicated services and brokerage
Dedicated services are needed to broker the provision of mainstream services. One-to-one support from a ‘key worker’ seems to work best.
Building trusting relationships
Relationships of trust can provide the basis for exploring routes out.
Adequate resourcing
To ensure good service provision. Continuity of resourcing is also important.
Public education
To raise awareness about the issues associated with prostitution, and that support services aim to develop routes out.
Outreach
Outreach maximises the chances of engaging with those who might be considering exit and who need extra reinforcement.
Location of services
Services should be close, but not too close, to areas of prostitution.
5.5.1 Holistic Approach
The main basic principle is that a holistic approach is needed to address the multiplicity of issues that sex workers often face when they want to exit the sex industry. No single agency will be able to respond effectively. The agencies that may need to be involved include those who deliver:
income support and advice;
housing support and advice;
antenatal care;
childcare and parenting support;
mental health and healthcare services;
education and training;
budgeting advice; and
employment services.
5.5.2 Dealing with Changes of Mind
It is important that services offering to assist sex workers exit the industry are aware of a stop-start pattern of exiting when planning and implementing support or intervention (Hester and Westmarland, 2004). Exiting may be a slow process, or amount to a gradual reduction in working.
5.5.3 Facilitating Free Choice
Another key principle of best practice is that services need to offer choice to sex workers, allowing them to go down routes which suit them best. Free choice is seen as a key factor in sex workers deciding to move into a more stable situation and then finally to exit. Of course, choice is a relative matter, and is reduced when economic necessity is the main driver for working in the sex industry (Hester and Westmarland (2004)).
5.5.4 Dedicated Services and ‘Brokerage’
Dedicated services to offer support or intervention are identified in the literature as a way of ‘brokering’ the provision of mainstream services. Sex workers can frequently be disengaged from the usual service infrastructures making it difficult for them to access mainstream services without some form of signposting or advocacy. The Home Office Prostitution Strategy (2006) sees dedicated support services as having the advantage of one individual (or agency) taking responsibility for ensuring that a coherent package of support is available. It should be delivered within the mainstream sector if possible, to avoid sex workers being treated as a ‘special case’.
One-to-one support is an important feature. Having a ‘key worker’ seemed especially important for young sex workers. It is likely to mean better continuity of service, and a stronger building of trust (Hester and Westmarland (2004)).
5.5.5 Building Trusting Relationships
The need to build trusting relationships emerges from the literature as a best practice principle. Outreach is important here as a basis for exploring routes out.
For services targeted at those involved in brothel-based sex work, a relationship of trust needs to be established with brothel operators so that support workers can visit brothels and gain access to sex workers.
Building relationships based on mutual respect and trust has implications for how projects are staffed. Many of those who support sex workers are highly in tune with them, but when new resources are put in place careful selection is crucial. This is especially so for dealing with younger sex workers who are unlikely to accept advice other than that from ‘credible’ supporters. Greater understanding may be created when former and current sex workers staff services.
5.5.6 Adequate Resourcing
Competition for funds for social services is always intense. Added to this, services to assist sex workers can be costly, with the expenditure possibly not as popular with the community as other schemes.
However, one principle to emerge from the literature was that adequate resourcing is vital to ensure good service provision and so that ongoing relationships with sex workers can be maintained. Continuity of funding is important. Funding issues have arisen, and will continue to arise, when dealing with the sex industry in New Zealand.
The very fact of decriminalisation may make funding harder to get. Bindel and Kelly (2003) comment in relation to Victoria (Australia), Ireland, the Netherlands and Sweden that ‘much promised funding for projects to assist women out of prostitution… never translated into action. It would seem that once prostitution is legalised governments want to pretend the problem has gone away’.
5.5.7 Public Education
Those who work in the sex industry have been stigmatised for a long time, and this continues to be the case. Accordingly, some community members may hold the view that those in sex work do not deserve government support. To overcome this, and to ensure that resources are made available, support workers and advocates for those in the sex industry need good public education and awareness tools for use within communities (Bindel, 2006; Home Office, 2006).
5.5.8 Outreach
Outreach work with sex workers is that which takes support to sex workers, rather than expecting them to access it themselves. It can involve youth workers, current and former sex workers, church groups and others. Outreach is central to efforts to support sex workers. But outreach can also be important for those offering assistance with exiting, simply because it maximises the opportunities for interaction with sex workers. Outreach work can help engage sex workers with services.
5.5.9 Location of Services
The location of services emerged as a best principle issue, but not a clear one. Where centres offering services are located in a ‘red light’ area, sex workers wanting to exit can find it difficult to go there. Centres elsewhere may offer better chances of success, as long as they are nearby. Opening hours can affect accessibility: rigid opening times and appointment systems can be deterrents.
Comment
The Committee recognises that this best practice model represents an ideal world approach. However, the Committee is concerned that it is so far removed from the situation in New Zealand.
The Committee notes the interchangeable use of the terms ‘support when exiting’ and ‘exit intervention’ in the best practice literature. It is apparent that offering general support and advice to sex workers may include facilitating an ‘exit intervention’. Currently, what little attention that is paid to offering services related to exiting the sex industry would be described as general support for sex workers.
That is not to say this is a bad thing. The merging of best practice principles for supporting sex workers and offering assistance in exiting the sex industry is largely because support services for current sex workers are seen as integral to successful exiting interventions.
5.6 Support for Those Who Wish to Exit Currently Available
The Committee sent a questionnaire to all local authorities regarding their responses to the enactment of the PRA. One question asked whether they had done anything to assist sex workers to exit the industry. Only two answered ‘yes’ (Christchurch and Manukau City Councils), with most stating that this was central government’s job.
The Christchurch City Council has funded the Youth Cultural Development (YCD) Street Youth Work Project, which works with young people on the streets of Christchurch, particularly those under the age of 18, who are working as sex workers. The Christchurch City Council states that, amongst other things, the YCD Street Youth Work Project specifically works to.
Empower young people to make informed choices through the provision of information and education on safe sex; and
Broaden young people’s lifestyle choices.
Since 2000, the Manukau City Council has consulted with and shared information with Te Aronga Hou Ināianei, which works with street-based sex workers. Te Aronga hou Ināianei aims to provide alternative employment and training opportunities as well as referral, health promotion, and support services for transgender sex workers. Manukau City Council has also worked with Māori and Pacific wardens to consider ways of managing the street-based sex industry, attended meetings with NZPC, and participated in the Under Age Prostitution Working Group, a multi-agency group focused on supporting youth.
Relevant central government agencies were asked about the adequacy of the provisions of the PRA to prevent young people entering the sex industry and assistance and information available for people wishing to leave the industry. None had specific programmes targeted at sex workers, but the Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry of Youth Development both responded that their general programmes would assist in helping young people avoid the sex industry.
more broadly, services delivered nationally by Child and Adolescent Mental Health and Addiction Services, Child Youth and Family Services, the Ministry of Social Development, the Ministry of Education truancy initiatives, and ourselves [Ministry for Youth Development] all contribute to arresting the precursors for poor outcomes such as under age sex work, criminal activity, violence, poor health and low educational achievement.
(Ministry for Youth Development, 2007)
Key informants were asked by CJRC what services they were aware of in their area to assist sex workers who wished to exit the industry. They provided the following list.
Christchurch – NZPC, YCD – Street Youth Work Project, Salvation Army outreach services, Work and Income New Zealand (WINZ)
Wellington – NZPC, WINZ, Evolve, Drug Arm
Nelson – Nelson’s Women’s Centre, WINZ
Hawkes Bay – Nothing identified
Auckland – NZPC, Streetreach, Salvation Army, Te Aronga hou Ināianei Trust (Mama Tere).
Most of the agencies listed below provide general support services for sex workers, which include assistance with exiting if that was what was wanted. YCD’s Street Youth Work Project and Te Aronga Hou Ināianei Trust provide outreach services for young people on the street. They also have facilities to do one-to-one case management with those who were keen to receive more support. YCD run a drop-in centre one night a week. Streetreach provide outreach support via mobile vans sex workers of all ages. Streetreach also operate a drop-in centre during the day and provide life-skills courses and employment related training.
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